Archive for the ‘Mafia’ Category

JERSEY BOY The Life and Mob Slaying of Frankie DePaula

Tuesday, June 15th, 2010

HardCover: ISBN 978-1450-20639-6 ($30.95)

SoftCover: ISBN 978-1450-20637-2 ($20.95)

Genre: True Crime / Boxing

Publisher: iUniverse Pages: 268  

THE STORY
Hailing from the tough Westside section of Jersey City, Frankie DePaula appeared to be a phenomenon in the making when he stopped all of his opponents’ enroute to claiming a Golden Gloves title in 1962. That Frankie failed to establish a boxing legacy befitting of one imbued with his natural physical endowments and punching talent is one of the largely unsung tragedies of the fight game.   Here for the first time, Adeyinka Makinde, author of the definitive biography of boxing immortal Dick Tiger, tells the remarkable story of a man seemingly possessed of a force of nature; a charismatic pied piper of Jersey City who sold out arenas and inspired such devotion from fans that some were willing to bet their houses on him being victorious. Frank Sinatra sat ringside at several of his bouts, while Frankie Valli and Joe Namath were close friends. But Frankie was also a man whose character flaws would lead him to an early grave.   The book explores the controversial aspects of his life and career including:   . The rumours that his 1969 fight with Bob Foster for the world’s light heavyweight championship was fixed   . His involvement in a notorious $80,000 heist of electrolytic copper   . The precipitous death of his first manager, Pat Amato, whose role was inherited by Mob front man Gary Garafola   . His dalliance with the married step-daughter of a High-ranking member of the Genovese crime family   . Rumours that he was compromised as an informant for law enforcement agencies   . His shooting in an alley, his subsequent disintegration and eventual demise in a charity ward of the Jersey City Medical Center   Although Frankie appeared to some to be a true life exemplar of a character from ‘ Dead End’; a wild and unreconstructed deviant headed for disaster, his life is set against the backdrop of the often times dysfunctional environs of Jersey City, for long the seat of power of an administration dominated for decades by Mayoral potentate Frank Hague and maligned by the corruption of local politicians and the increasing influence of organised crime.   Recounted are Frankie’s exciting tussles with the likes of Charlie ‘The Devil’ Green, Jimmy McDermott and Dick Tiger. Here too are reminiscences of Frankie’s explosive power as a street fighter and the fear he inspired as a Mob collector.   Although prone to being brutish, Frankie could also be big of heart. And while his many sins rendered him as heartless, he was capable of feats of kindness. Tough, but ultimately weak-minded; Frankie’s tale is a cautionary one: a sobering rendition of one man’s capacity for self-destruction

 

THE AUTHOR
Adeyinka Makinde is Nigerian by birth and based in England. He trained as a barrister and is a lecturer in law. He wrote the well-reviewed biography, Dick Tiger: The Life and Times of a Boxing Immortal, which was published in 2005.

 

PRAISE FOR DICK TIGER: THE LIFE AND TIMES OF A BOXING IMMORTAL
“Makinde’s research is impressive” -Boxing News –Britain  “…a compelling and inspiring read” -The Fist -Australia

 

CONTACT
For further information, interviews or review copies contact:e-mail: thelawacademy@aol.comCell: 44(0)7986-111-776

Dave Friedland as John DiGilio’s lawyer

Saturday, May 15th, 2010

When Loan Sharks Bite

From Voice Printing, How the law can read the voice of crime by Eugene Block

The meeting was a routine monthly gathering of a journalism society in New Jersey.

The invited guest was a young, little-known assistant attorney general, and those who came expected an informal, innocuous address on relations between the press and law-en­forcement agencies. Instead a bombshell exploded and another case of extortion came to light.

To the surprise of everyone, the speaker opened a Pandora’s box. Out of it came a scandal that shook the state for months. It reached into the state house, the legislature, and the courts. When it was over, political heads had fallen after a three-pronged official inquiry conducted separately by a legisla­tive committee, a special grand jury, and the ethical conduct committee of the supreme court.

Highlighting the climax was the introduction of Voiceprints that provided an ending differing from public opinion and a jury verdict that few had foreseen.

The provocative speaker was William J. Brennan III, a son of a Justice of the United States Supreme Court.

At the start of the meeting Brennan launched at once into startling charges of extortion and corruption in the state legislature. Asserting boldly that certain of its members were “too comfortable” with leaders of organized crime, he pointed an accusing finger at a prominent legislator, declaring that he and

two influential lawyers had taken part in an unsavory out-of-court settlement of an extortion case. Even participation of Mafia characters in state affairs did not escape his mention.

Scarcely had the meeting ended when word reached the newspapers, and reporters began delving into what had been dubbed “the loan shark case,” an issue between a businessman heavily in debt and a money lender that had been dropped abruptly when the merchant refused to testify before the grand jury regarding a menacing death threat for which he previously had blamed the other. The threat, he had charged, followed his sudden refusal to continue making allegedly usurious payments on two loans. Although Brennan did not say so at the time, he implied that the debtor had been “bought off.”

The explosive address, given before the New Jersey Chapter of Sigma Delta Chi, took place on an evening in mid-December, 1968, and though much time has passed, it continues to be a subject of reflective discussion and marks a significant victory for Kersta’s Voiceprints.

The startling repercussions from the lawyer’s speech far transcended the importance of the specific case, no doubt because public opinion had turned sharply against loan sharks in the wake of exposes in which some of their victims, although brutally beaten, had refused to press charges for fear of reprisals.

The principals in the case referred to by Brennan were virtually unknown outside of their own little circles. Yet, when finis was finally written to the scandal, three prominent lawyers, one of them a member of the state legislature, and another a legal official of his community, faced suspension from profes­sional practice. Others scurried for cover and two disappeared.

The little-known principals in the early legal controversy were John DiGilio, a thirty-nine-year-old former professional boxer, of Jersey City, who had also been a boatman aboard a tug; and Julius Pereria Jr., chairman of the Middlesex County Young Democrats, who operated the DuRite Car Wash in Woodbridge, a sprawling town in the metropolitan area that has grown to more than 100,000 since World War II.

Because of the many ramifications developing in rapid-fire succession following Brennan’s speech, the story can best be told

chronologically, disclosing how one development led to another.

Only a short time after the fraternity meeting and its exciting disclosures, Edward J. Dolan, prosecutor for Middlesex County in New Jersey, sat behind closed doors with a hastily summoned investigating committee of the legislature, relating what he had learned about the manner in which a grand jury inquiry into Pereria’s accusations against DiGilio had ended some time before.

He explained that Pereria had borrowed $ i,000 on two occasions—the first in 1966, the second a year later—from DiGilio, a heavily built man five feet eight inches tall, agreeing to pay $5o a week interest until he would be able to repay the principal. Despite business reverses the borrower had continued the weekly payments until he had paid a total of $7,400. Then, deciding that he already had paid far too much, he informed DiGilio that there would be no more checks. The other flew into a rage and walked away.

Not long afterward, according to Dolan’s recital, Pereria had received a telephone call at his place of business from a man who said, “I’ll come down there and chop your . . . head off.”

Badly frightened, Pereria went to the police insisting that the voice was that of DiGilio, which he said he recognized by a peculiar raspy note that contrasted with a rather high tone. It was then August, 1968.

Charges were preferred against DiGilio, but when the case was called before Judge Samuel Sladkus in Woodbridge Munici­pal Court the plaintiff flatly refused to testify. The matter was turned over to the grand jury and again Pereria remained silent. The grand jury, finding its hands tied, returned a “no bill,” which meant that the matter was ended.

Dolan, in reporting these facts, asserted that he knew there had been an out-of-court settlement; in other words the accuser had been “paid off.” He promised to provide further details at a later time or at the conclusion of a grand jury hearing that already had been started.

With two separate inquiries under way, Dolan pressed hard for grand jury action. Pereria was summoned and this time he was ready to talk. He told of the threats which he swore had

come from DiGilio, adding that three mobsters sent to his car wash business by DiGilio had broken in and damaged it.

The result was an indictment accusing both DiGilio and an associate, fifty-eight-year-old Gerald Grimaldi, of conspiracy in threats and extortion against Pereria. Grimaldi, it was alleged, had introduced the other two; he also had been identified as one of the trio at the car wash.

What Pereria had to tell about the settlement that previously had silenced him became one of many sensations at the trial of DiGilio, which opened on February 4, 1970, in New Brunswick, the county seat of Middlesex.

Its setting was a study in sharp contrasts. While the nature of the case was grim and forbidding, it was to be aired in a colorful, modernly furnished courtroom on the third floor of the relatively new county courthouse, a five-story structure overlook­ing a century-old county jail.

Judge John B. Melineux, who was to preside, had earlier ordered separate trials for the two defendants, since Grimaldi had suffered a severe heart attack. It was the first of many delays.

Even before questioning of prospective jurors began, Voiceprints became the subject of bitter argument. Defense Attorney Michael Querques had moved for permission to have Lawrence Kersta compare a tape of DiGilio’s voice with a recording made by Pereria at his business place when he received the threatening phone call. His request met with heated opposition from J. Norris Harding, the assistant prosecutor, who accused his opponent of “trying to shift the burden of the defense to the state.”

The court reserved judgment, at the same time ordering a day’s postponement to allow counsel to go to Grand Bahama Island, where the defense claimed it would establish that DiGilio was with others at the time of the phone threat and that no call had gone from the island to New Jersey on that day.

The defendant’s contention was fully verified. DiGilio had scored his first important point.

With resumption of the trial, Voiceprints again became a controversial issue. The court, first having refused to order the state to give the defense recordings of the threatening message,

later relented but reserved the right to bar such evidence. This was based on the fact that the state’s high court had not yet ruled on this new type of evidence.

No sooner had this been disposed of than other delays became necessary. During an afternoon recess DiGilio had fallen overboard from a tug, sustaining painful injuries. There was a squabble over the long postponement demanded by the defense, and the court finally agreed on a two-day recess which later was extended after the defendant was hurt again in an automobile crash.

After still further postponements DiGilio finally returned to court on February 24, and in a short time a jury of seven men and an equal number of women was impaneled.

Harding, the prosecutor, in his opening statement, re­viewed the details of the loan transaction, explaining that Pereria had met the defendant through the latter’s friend, Grimaldi, then owner of a Woodbridge paint store. He went still further, and for the first time details of the cash settlement that sealed the accuser’s lips went officially into the record.

Harding told the jury that Attorney David Friedland, a member of the State Assembly and its minority leader, had represented DiGilio in negotiating the settlement with Pereria’s lawyer, Norman Robbins, law director of Woodbridge Town­ship. Through their agreement, the prosecutor stated, DiGilio had paid S6,500 to his creditor and the matter was considered closed.

DIGllio’s attorney, Querques, was on his feet interrupting. He implied that the money had been paid by the lender in good faith “for his own peace of mind” and because he did not wish to worry his pregnant wife.

After the prosecutor had concluded, Pereria was called to the stand as the state’s key witness. Obviously nervous, he related the details of the loan and his difficulty in meeting the weekly payments. “I knew it was shy money,” he testified. “I knew the general procedures. If you don’t pay, you end up with threats or wind up with your head busted.” He even related a conversation with Grimaldi when they discussed the possibility of having the car wash set afire for the insurance.

A titter ran through the courtroom when the witness testified that the New Jersey police “wired me for sound,” referring to a microphone that detectives had secreted in his clothing to obtain recordings of his conversations with Grimaldi, who often reminded him of the dire consequences that might follow his refusal to continue payments.

These tapes, liberally laced with four-letter words, were later read in open court. Spectators had a field day.

Soon afterward the much-talked-of pay-back by DiGilio to Pereria at last became a part of the official court record. The details were disclosed by Assemblyman Friedland, a young man .with thick brown hair and long sideburns, who appeared in an Edwardian gray suit, eager to tell what he knew. With him, as a corroborating witness, was Robbins.

After picturing DiGilio as a troubled man, whose pregnant wife had undergone spinal surgery, Friedland stated that the defendant had paid $6,500 to Pereria, following arrangements that he said had been concluded on the floor of the legislature after a series of conferences in which Pereria’s demand for a larger sum was finally reduced to the accepted figure. The witness admitted that he had told DiGilio of the possible danger of a civil suit over charges of usury, although others had assured him that he was certain of acquittal on the pending accusations.

In closing, the defense lawyer insisted that his client was innocent of any wrongdoing and had agreed to the payment rather than endure the strain of a trial because of his wife’s illness.

Robbins followed him to the stand with his own version of the money transaction. He said that he had received $1,000 for his services.

During cross-examination of the two lawyer-witnesses strange names flitted in and out of the testimony. There was mention of “The Moose,” of “John the Greek,” and others, but their real identities were not disclosed, though their sobriquets added interest to the courtroom drama.

The defense scored heavily when it opened its case on the morning of March 5. As had been expected, its first witness, Nicholas Vaccaro, testified that he had been with DiGilio and the latter’s wife on a four-day gambling junket to Grand Bahama Island off the Florida coast and that they were all together there on the day that the defendant was accused of making the threatening call to New Jersey. To prove his story, he showed the jury photographs of the party at the island casino.

Then, on the following day, came the dramatic climax of the trial—Voiceprint evidence. While it had been rumored that the defense had “something scientific up its sleeve,” the appearance of Dr. Tosi came as a complete surprise. Word that something unusual was to happen resulted in a packed court­room.

“Who’s he?” one spectator asked another as the bearded professor, responding to his name, walked briskly to the witness chair.

“The Voiceprint man,” someone whispered; and another, catching the words, followed with: “Voiceprints, what’s that?” They were soon to know.

After Tosi had been sworn and asked about his qualifica­tions, he related that he had received the tape recordings from the defense and had compared the spectograms produced from them.

“Now, Dr. Tosi, what are your conclusions?” asked Attorney Querques in DiGilio’s behalf.

Tosi’s reply caused an excited stir among the spectators. Testifying under oath, he declared that the voices were not the same—in other words, Voiceprints had established that DiGilio was not the man who made the death threats against Pereria.

To further emphasize the impact of the expert’s judgment, defense counsel asked the court’s permission to provide a demonstration. DiGilio read aloud from a transcript of one conversation, playing the role of the extortioner; Detective Captain Silvio Donatelli took Pereria’s part. When they had finished Dr. Tosi looked at the judge repeating what he had said before: “The two voices belong to two different persons.”

To support the Michigan scientist, the defense called a second expert, Dr. Louis J. Gerstman, a psychology professor and speech researcher from New York University, who also had studied the tapes.

“The same voice,” he declared, “could not possibly have made the two recordings. I am certain that these are the voices of two different people.” DiGilio, he went on to explain, “is a tenor while the man who called Pereria had a considerably lower voice.

The defense now had dealt telling blows to the state’s case, but it still had not finished. “And now,” Attorney Querques will

announced, “we             hear from the expert who invented Voiceprints. Mr. Kersta, will you please come forward?”

Necks were craned as the tall, lanky engineer with a gray Van Dyke, walked rapidly down the aisle. He was first asked by the judge, as had been inquired of the others, whether his testimony would support the defense, for New Jersey was not yet ready to admit such evidence by the prosecution. After assuring the judge that he was appearing in the defendant’s behalf, he proceeded with the usual self-qualifying statements. Then, laying a foundation for the all-important question he was expecting, Kersta told how he had made spectograms of the recordings and had compared them.

“And just what did you find?” the lawyer pressed.

“The unknown voice was not the voice of Mr. DiGilio,” he replied.

Under cross-examination he did not conceal his anger when Harding, the prosecutor, tried to confuse him with a question. Having personally been to the New Jersey laboratory with a detective, Harding had come away with seven spectograms and now he asked the witness how many voices they represented.

Kersta bristled. “I will not jeopardize a scientific tech­nique,” he retorted, “by attempting to read these graphs while I’m on the witness stand. I don’t perform before an audience.”

The question went unanswered.

The jury was informed that each of the experts had reached his conclusion by slightly different methods of comparisons.

The climax of the trial was over, but the defense still had more to say. It called Grimaldi, awaiting trial on similar charges, and he added more confusion to the already complicated case. His version was that actually the loans had been made by him

rather than by DiGilio; that therefore the defendant would have had no reason to threaten Pereria.

DiGilio’s appearance on the stand as his own witness marked the approaching end of the trial. He denied making the threatening call or ever having loaned money to his accuser. Asked why, then, he had agreed to a $6,500 payment to Pereria, he answered, “I was buying peace of mind.” It was his way of explaining that he feared his wife would suffer a breakdown if he were compelled to face a jury trial. “She was crying all the time,” he told the jury. “She was driving me crazy.” And, recalling his arrest, he added: “I’m sitting in the jail won­dering what I done. After a while a detective told me of the charges and I told him ‘Impossible—you picked the wrong guy.

Harding in cross-examination drew a few laughs as he pressed the witness for some explanation as to why Pereria had singled him out for an allegedly false accusation. DiGilio thought for a moment before replying: “This guy took a million-to-one shot and picked me.”

“Picked you out of a hat?” the prosecutor inquired, smiling. “I don’t know,” he answered, “but I’m here.”

Mrs. Ellen DiGilio, following her husband to the stand, did her best to corroborate his explanation of why he agreed to a cash settlement to stay prosecution. She referred to her highly nervous condition over his troubles, adding that they both were afraid that their child might be born dead, as her doctor had feared. She also disclosed that her husband’s income from two jobs had totaled $27,728 the previous year, a point that neither side chose to pursue.

Near the close of its case the defense scored again through the testimony of other witnesses who said that they had been gambling with DiGilio and his wife on Grand Bahama Island on the day of the threatening call to Pereria.

Harding’s rebuttal for the state was brief, but some courtroom attendants believed it indicated his fear of the Voiceprint testimony in the defense’s behalf. Again referring to his visit to Kersta’s laboratory, he related that he had been given a few spectograms to illustrate the method; then in derisive tones he told the court that “one looks like a mountain and the other like a tree.” It was obvious that he was trying to discredit the testimony of Kersta and his colleagues.

Closing arguments provided an interesting study in forensic styles. Querques, at times highly emotional, painted a touching word picture of DiGilio and his wife, suffering mental anguish as they awaited the birth of their child. He emphasized the findings of the Voiceprint experts who had testified for the defense, stressing his claim that a man proved innocent by science had been brought to trial. Sometimes there were tears in his eyes; occasionally he shouted to impress the jury. Now and then he lowered his voice to a whisper.

Harding, on the other hand, spoke calmly and with no emotion. In his direct fashion he reviewed the state’s case, attempting to .-place DiGilio in the center of a web of incriminating evidence and he branded Querques’ plea for sympathy as “one grand hoax.”

Judge Melineux gave his instructions and the jurors retired. It was March 12, 1970, a few days less than two years after Brennan’s sensational speech. Taking of testimony had con­sumed ten and a half days.

Speculation was rife over the outcome, though many left the courtroom expecting long deliberations. Some believed that the Voiceprint evidence had clinched the case for the defense; others questioned whether “the new-fangled machine,” as they called it, would influence the jury. And there were those who believed that it would be impossible to reach a verdict in view of the complicated and conflicting evidence involved. At best the result appeared to be anybody’s guess, yet no one had imagined the speed with which DiGilio’s fate would be deter­mined.

The clock showed the passage of only seventy minutes since the jurors had retired when there came a knock on the jury-room door. Judge Melineux was hastily summoned, court was convened, and the bailiff rapped for order.

DiGilio, in a chair beside his lawyer, sat rigidly as the usual formalities received necessary attention. Not far away his accuser, Pereria, flanked the prosecutor at the state’s table.

The jurors were escorted back to the box, their faces immobile, with no indication of their decision. The foreman rose and at the court’s request read the writing on the slip of paper in his hand.

As he spoke the words “not guilty,” applause broke out among those remaining in the courtroom. DiGilio’s face beamed as he moved toward his wife, whose tears stained her makeup. They walked outside arm in arm and to newsmen DiGilio declared: “I feel twenty years younger. I was never this nervous before a fight.” Then he asked his wife to phone his mother. “I’m even too nervous to do that,” said the former boxer.

Later in the day Kersta and his associates received the news. They were gratified that the jury had accepted their interpretation of Voiceprint evidence.

However, the old scandal that Brennan had exposed long before had not yet reached a final conclusion. During the progress of the trial a special legislative committee had con­ducted an intensive inquiry to determine whether the three prominent lawyers involved in DiGilio’s repayment of borrowed money and interest to Pereria were guilty of unethical conduct. At its conclusion the New Jersey Supreme Court directed that the trio be summoned to a hearing in their own defense.

When this was over the high court ordered the three men suspended from practice—Friedland and Robbins for six months each; Querques for three months.

There now remained only the case of Gerald Grimaldi, once DiGilio’s co-defendant, his trial having been separated from the other because of illness. Though it had been intended to begin his trial with as little delay as possible, more technicalities were raised; then Grimaldi became sick again.

The matter dragged on for more than a year until July, 1972, when Grimaldi suddenly waived trial and pleaded guilty to taking part in a conspiracy to threaten Pereria. He was sentenced to serve from one to two years in New Jersey state prison and fined $1,000 by Superior Court Judge Charles M. Morris, Jr. It was an ironic turn in the long-lingering case that would have been dropped and forgotten but for Attorney Brennan’s speech to a fraternity more than three years before.

The identity of the man who actually threatened Pereria over the telephone still remains a mystery that Voiceprints cannot solve.

Cornelius Gallagher accused of being the tool of Bayonne Cosa Nostra Capo Joe Zicarelli

Thursday, May 13th, 2010

From New York Magazine, February 17, 1969

By Peter Maas

. . .

Less inspiring was the swearing-in of the latest Congress.  Among those seated without a murmur of dissent was Representative Cornelius Gallagher from Bayonne, New Jersey, just across the river, who was the subject of several articles in Life magazine last summer and fall.  Life’s time of investigative reporters may be the best ever in the history of American Journalism, and it didn’t kid around with Gallagher.  He was directly accused of being the “tool and collaborator of a Cosa Nostra gang lord“ in Bayonne named Joe Zicarelli and was specifically tied into the promotion of an illicit cancer drug, in the disposal of the body of a local loan shark, in underworld activities in the Dominican Republic and in the great salad oil swindle which made headlines a few years back.

Gallagher, running for re-election, made all kinds of noises about suing Life, but then disappeared when his opponent, a nice Republican lady who reminded you of Spring Bylington, was obviously making little headway against him.  In this Gallagher was helped no end by the editorial page of the New York Times.  You have to wonder if the editorial page reads the rest of the paper.  It nearly went out of its skull over the fitness of Spiro Agnew because of conflict-of-interest charges, even though a Times reporter could not come up with anything substantial.  At the same time another Times correspondent flatly reported that in 1964, was Gallagher was being mentioned as a possible running mate for Lyndon Johnson, the FBI warned the White House that he had close connections with the underworld.  What did the editorial Page do?  It warmly endorsed Gallagher for another term in Congress.

Life says it would love to have libel action from Gallagher, but he has shown little inclination for this.  He would, of course, have to testify under oath; perhaps that is something he doesn’t want to do.

# # #

From New York Magazine, March 10, 1969

Gallagher Defended

Even “less inspiring” than Life magazine’s unjustifiable and unsubstantiated assault on Congressman Cornelius E. Gallagher is Peter Maas’s rehash of same in “Balky Justice” [Feb 17].

Maas implies rather strongly that the reason Congressman Gallagher has not yet commenced a libel suit against Life is because  the Congressman does not wish to testify under oath.  The fact is, however, that in July, 1968, (before publication of the Life article), Gallagher wrote to the Prosecutor of Hudson County, New Jersey demanding a Grand Jury investigation into certain Life allegations, and offering not only to testify under oath, but to waive any Congressional immunity he might have in so doing.  This action by Gallagher was widely reported.

The real factor that precludes public officials from having any decent chance to recover on a libel suit is found in the law of the land as announced by the U.S. Supreme Court in the New York Times Co. vs. Sullivan (1964).  Many law journal articles have discussed this point, and Mr. Maas would do well to consult them before making gratuitous judgments.  These commentaries on the libel law vis-à-vis public officials indicate that the most accurate statement in Maas’ piece is that “Life says it would love to have a libel action from Gallagher.”  Similarly, I trust the New York Jets would love to play a Super-Bowl game against Columbia University.

There are many misstatements in Maas’ article, but lack of space prohibits their documentation herein (one years, however, for the chance to answer Maas in toto).  Let me suggest in closing that Mr. Maas’ dissatisfaction with events such as the Times’ editorial endorsement of Gallagher in November springs more from his deep immersion in the current spurt of Mafiaism than from his deep concern for the facts.  One wonders if it is merely coincidental that the senior member of the Life investigative team that Maas termed as perhaps “the best ever in the history of American journalism” (Mr. R. Sackett) tosses similar accolades at Mr. Maas in a recent review of The Valachi Papers published by Life in recent weeks.

It is not a prudent venture to follow Alice through the looking glass unless one realizes the fantasy to be found inside.  To proceed without this realization is “balky” journalistic justice at best.

Mark A. Belnick
Special Ass’t to Cong.
Cornelius E. Gallagher

The Author Replies

It is true that Gallagher asked for a Hudson County Grand Jury investigation into certain “Life” allegations.  It is also true, as luck would have it, that the statute of limitations has run out on these allegations, which left the Grand Jury powerless to do anything about them.  This is the only probe into “Life’s” charges that Gallagher has demanded.  Thus Gallagher has yet to appear under oath anywhere regarding these allegations.

When the “Life” articles were first published, Gallagher repeatedly emphasized their malicious nature.  Malice is recoverable in the Supreme Court decision cited above.  As Gallagher’s hometown paper, the Bayonne “Times,” noted last August, the “best method for proving the falseness of the article would be a libel suit,” adding that it was past time for Gallagher to start “disproving” the magazines charges.

As for my “deep immersion in the current spurt of Mafiaism,” I don’t quite know what is meant by “current.”  I have been writing about Mafia or Cosa Nostra activities since 1963.

It is true that “Life” gave my book, “The Valachi Papers,” an excellent review.  So did among other publications, “The New York Times Book Review,” “Newsweek” and the “Wall Street Journal.”  What does Gallagher’s office make of this” – P.M.

Casella’s Restaurant in Hoboken – the quintessential mob headquarters, meeting place and hangout

Sunday, May 2nd, 2010

From a NJ State Commission of Investigation report
CASELLA’s RESTAURANT

Of all the licensed beverage establishments in the state, Casella’s Restaurant in Hoboken was perhaps the quintessential mob headquarters, meeting place and hangout. Casella’s is to the New Jersey arm of the Genovese crime family what the more famous Ravenite Social Club in New York’s Little Italy is to the Gambino/Gotti family. (Ironically, it was at Casella’s that Louis “Bobby” Manna discussed murdering John Gotti on behalf of the Genovese family.)

In testimony at the public hearing, FBI Special Agent Robert Lenehan described Casella’s as “a safe haven, a secure stronghold where (Manna) could meet his criminal associates and direct his criminal operations on behalf of the Genovese family.” Manna has now been convicted on federal racketeering and conspiracy charges and has been sentenced to 80 years in prison. At the time of his conviction, he was the consigliere (counselor) — the third ranking member — of the Genovese crime family, one of the most powerful families in the nation. Casella’s was owned by Martin “Motts” Casella, a longtime associate of Manna who was convicted with him and who has since died in federal prison.

Agent Lenehan further described Casella’s as a secure, virtually impregnable stronghold …. Nothing happened in Casella’s Restaurant without Marty’s knowledge; there were lookouts on the street and watchful eyes at the bar. Even certain bathrooms were off limits to patrons because they were used as secure meeting rooms for Bobby, Marty and their close associates. For years, Casella’s control and influence in the blocks surrounding Casella’s led FBI agents to conclude that the restaurant was virtually immune to electronic surveillance, our most valued investigative and prosecutive technique.

Presumably, those “watchful eyes” Lenehan referred to did not include Hoboken authorities, who continually renewed Martin Casella’s liquor license, despite his notorious and long association with Manna and the Genovese crew.

* * *
In 1977, Manna was released from a state prison where he had been confined for five years for civil contempt for his refusal to answer questions regarding organized crime before this Commission. Shortly after his release, he began to reclaim control of the rackets he had lost while incarcerated. By 1980, Manna had become consigliere of the Genovese family. In the words of FBI Agent Lenehan, Manna held

one of the three most powerful positions in any LCN (La Cosa Nostra) family, responsible for advising the boss, controlling thecapos, one of the chain of command who could authorize murders and make the major decisions of the family — in the thin air of conclaves of bosses, Commission meetings, making and breaking bosses, the LCN boardroom.

And most of these decisions were made at Casella’s.

In his testimony, Lenehan was describing the period leading up to the investigation, trial and conviction of Manna, Casella and other figures in the Genovese crime family. Lenehan noted that Manna’s usual haunts were the street corners of Manhattan’s Little Italy, but in the late 1980s New York became a “swirling arena of law enforcement pressure” and Manna returned more often to the relatively safe haven of Hudson County and Casella’s.

In 1987, the FBI, despite the difficulties already described, succeeded in planting listening devices in Casella’s. Monitored together with the State Police, the Division of Criminal Justice and the IRS, the devices revealed the extent to which the restaurant was used by Manna and his associates. It had become evident, Lenehan testified, “that by early 1988 the legitimate business enterprise of Casella’s was virtually non-existent and it had effectively become little more than a typical mob social club.” He also likened the restaurant to “the board room of the New Jersey operations of the Genovese family.”

The Commission’s protected witness, a former northern New Jersey associate of the Bruno/Scarfo family, also testified about Casella’s:

Q. How did Bobby Manna use Casella’s Restaurant?

A. Well, it was a meeting place for anybody who wanted to see him or, you know, from other families or his own family, whatever.

Q. Did you ever have a sit-down at Casella’s Restaurant?

A. Yeah, I had a sit-down with a customer that they had taken from me by one of his controllers, Bobby Manna’s controllers, and went there with Freddie Salerno in a sit-down and they gave him back.

Q.Who was the subject of that?

A. Petey Cap. Petey Cap is with Bobby Manna and he’s in the gambling business, and he had stolen one of my runners.

Q. How was that dispute resolved?

A. It was ruled in my favor and Bobby told Petey Cap, make sure that he got back to me.

Q. Is Petey Cap, Petey Caporino?

A. Yes.

Q. Do you know Alfred Salerno, Freddie Salerno?

A. Yes.

Q. What position in what family was he?

A. Bruno/Scarfo family, he was a soldier.

Q. He was murdered in 1980. Do you know why?

A. Well, supposedly Freddie Salerno and Tony Bananas did (killed) Angelo Bruno, and also over a giant number package in Jersey City, two million dollars a day, numbers.

Q. How much a day?

A. Two million. . . .
Read the complete article.

Anthony Provenzano recruited Harold Konigsberg and Salvatore Briguglio to kill Anthony Castellitto . . .

Monday, April 19th, 2010

United States v. Local 560 of International Brotherhood of Teamsters
UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE THIRD CIRCUIT

. . .
This appeal culminates a lengthy and complex civil action brought pursuant to the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (“RICO”) Act, 18 U.S.C. §§ 1961, et seq., by the United States against several defendants who allegedly acquired an interest in, and effectively dominated, Local 560 of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters (“Local 560″). The district court, concluding that Local 560 was a “captive labor organization,” enjoined certain defendants from any future contacts with Local 560, and removed the current members of the Local 560 Executive Board, replacing the Executive Board with a temporary trusteeship until free elections could be held.
. . .
The government alleged that five of the named defendants: Anthony Provenzano, Nunzio Provenzano, Steven Andretta, Thomas Andretta and Gabriel Briguglio, were members of an ongoing criminal confederation – the Provenzano Group*fn1 – which, through acts of exortion and murder, effectively acquired an interest in, and control of, Local 560, an enterprise within the meaning of RICO, in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1962(b).*fn2 The government also charged these defendants, as the Provenzano Group, with unlawfully participating, directly and indirectly, in the conduct of Local 560′s affairs through a pattern of racketeering activity in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1962(c)*fn3 and with conspiring to violate the above two provisions of RICO (§§ 1962(b) and (c)) in contravention of 18 U.S.C. § 1962(d).*fn4

Finally, the government charged the remaining seven individual defendants: Salvatore Provenzano, Joseph Sheridan, Josephine Provenzano, J.W. Dildine, Thomas Reynolds, Michael Sciarra, and Stanley Jaronko, who, at the time the suit was brought, constituted the Executive Board of Local 560, with aiding and abetting the Provenzano Group in violating 18 U.S.C. § 1962(b) and (d).*fn5
. . .
(1) Dorn: Between approximately January 1, 1952 and June 1, 1959, Anthony Provenzano (leader of the Provenzano Group), while an official of Local 560, extorted payoffs from Walter Dorn and his company, Dorn Transport, Inc., in exchange for “labor peace.” Anthony Provenzano was subsequently convicted on one count of Hobbs Act extortion under 18 U.S.C. § 1957 for his part in the Dorn labor peace payoffs. App. at 24, 69.

(2) Castellitto: In 1961, Anthony Provenzano recruited Harold Konigsberg and Salvatore Briguglio to kill Anthony Castellitto, who was a popular member of Local 560 and who posed a threat to Anthony Provenzano’s control of the union. On June 6, 1961 Konigsberg, Briguglio, Salvatore Sinno, and others, committed the murder. Salvatore Briguglio was killed while under indictment for the Castellitto murder, and on June 21, 1978, Anthony Provenzano was sentenced to life imprisonment for his part in the murder of Castellitto, App. at 24-25, 30, 70-71.

(3) Braun: Between November 30, 1961 and December 12, 1961, Nunzio Provenzano and Salvatore Briguglio attempted to extort labor peace payments (the Braun Payoff Demand case) from the Braun Company in violation of New York Penal Law § 560 and § 1294 (Conspiracy and attempted grand larceny). Nuncio Provenzano and Salvatore Briguglio were convicted and incarcerated for approximately 2-1/2 years in New York. App. at 25-26, 29, 69.

(4) Seatrain: Between December of 1969 and June of 1977, Anthony Provenzano, Stephen Andretta, Thomas Andretta, and Gabriel Briguglio unlawfully received “labor peace” payoffs from Interocean Services, Inc. and Di-Jub Leasing Inc. (Seatrain Labor Peace Payoffs) in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 186(b). Anthony Provenzano and Thomas Andretta each received 20 years imprisonment for their part in the Seatrain payoffs, and Stephen Andretta and Gabriel Briguglio received 10 and 7 years imprisonment, respectively. App. at 22-23, 25, 28, 77.

(5) Romano: Between 1974 and 1977, Anthony Provenzano, aided and abetted by Salvatore Briguglio and Stephen Andretta, received kickbacks in connection with loans made by the union’s Passaic and Bergen Funds to Thomas and Frank Romano in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1954. App. at

(6) City-Man: Between January of 1971 and July of 1980, Nunzio Provenzano, Irving Cotler, and other individuals unlawfully received labor peace payoffs (the City-Man payoffs) from Pacific Intermountain Express Company, Mason and Dixon Lines, Inc. T.I.M.E. – DC, Inc., and Helms Express in violation of 28 U.S.C. § 186(b). On May 5, 1981, Nunzio Provenzano was convicted on RICO charges stemming from these City-Man labor peace payoffs and was sentenced to 10 years imprisonment. App. at 26, 82-83.
. . .
Read the Federal court’s decision.

John DiGilio, Genovese Family Mafia soldier from Bayonne

Friday, April 9th, 2010

La Cosa Nostra – State of New Jersey Commission of Investigation 1989 Report

The territories once controlled by John DiGilio, a late Genovese soldier, were divided among high level operatives within that family, but some of his rackets on the New Jersey waterfront have been lost to the Gambino/Gotti organization. DiGilio once ran a large northern New Jersey operation active in gambling, loansharking, labor racketeering and extortion. After DiGilio’s death, the leadership of his faction passed briefly to Louis Auricchio of Holmdel, who is believed to have been assigned earlier by the Genovese/Gigante hierarchy to monitor DiGilio’s activities in anticipation of the need to replace him. Auricchio assumed leadership of the faction immediately after DiGilio’s disappearance and is considered a suspect in his murder. Since his conviction in July, 1989, on federal income tax evasion charges, responsibility for this crew has been split between Angelo Prisco of the Bronx and Salvatore Lombardo of Brooklyn.

For several years, DiGilio had been under considerable pressure from the family leadership and had also been the subject of much unwanted law enforcement and media attention. In order to avoid both state and federal prosecutions, for instance, DiGilio over the years called attention to himself with various incidents of bizarre conduct including feigning mental incompetence. He also defied family bosses by not retaining an attorney to represent him. Eventually, a federal racketeering case against DiGilio and three of his associates, Anthony Gallagher of Bayonne, longshoremen’s boss Donald Carson of Scotch Plains and John Barbato of Staten Island, was tried in Newark in 1988. DiGilio, who chose to defend himself in the case, was the only defendant acquitted. Carson and Gallagher were convicted; Barbato’s case was severed from the others. DiGilio’s failure to comply with orders from group leaders, coupled with the convictions of Gallagher and Carson, infuriated the Genovese family hierarchy, who blamed DiGilio for the convictions.

The Carson conviction was especially damaging because federal law required that Carson forfeit his position as secretary-treasurer of Local 1587-88 of the International Longshoreman’s Association, a 1,200-member union of dock workers and warehousemen in Bayonne. Carson had also been executive vice president of the ILA, making him the second most powerful leader of that international union. This position had given the Genovese family significant influence in every port in the United States. However, Carson was replaced not by another Genovese man but by Gambino soldier Anthony Pimpinella of Brooklyn. The loss to the Gambino family of these influential labor posts and the lucrative rackets they controlled was perhaps the death knell for DiGilio. He disappeared shortly after the trial was over, and his body was eventually found May 26, 1988, floating in a body bag in the Hackensack River

. . .
La Cosa Nostra – State of New Jersey Commission of Investigation 1989 Report – The Genovese/Gigante Family – DiGilio

Louis Anthony (Bobby) Manna – Convicted of plotting to kill John Gotti

Tuesday, March 30th, 2010

During the ’70s and ’80s, Casella’s Restaurant at the corner of First and Jackson in Hoboken was the Hudson County headquarters of the the Mafia.
During the ’70s and ’80s, Casella’s Restaurant at the corner of First and Jackson in Hoboken was the Hudson County headquarters of the the Mafia.

From La Cosa Nostra – State of New Jersey Commission of Investigation 1989 Report – The Genovese/Gigante Family

Manna’s New Jersey base of operation was Casella’s Restaurant in Hoboken, from where he oversaw gambling, loansharking, labor racketeering, corruption and pier thefts in the region. The owner of this restaurant, Martin Casella, is subordinate to Manna and is considered to be a significant member, acting as Manna’s deputy and chief assistant in the organization. Recent investigative findings reveal that Casella controlled portions of Hudson County once believed to be the domain of the late John DiGilio. Furthermore, there are strong indications that Casella acted as a conduit of information for Manna.

Manna, who had been jailed for three years in the 1970′s for refusing to answer questions about organized crime before the SCI, was successfully targeted by law enforcement in the 1980′s. He was convicted in June, 1989, of ordering the murder of New York businessman Irwin Schiff and of plotting the murder of Gambino boss John Gotti and Gotti’s brother, Gene. These convictions, along with those for racketeering and conspiracy, make it likely that Manna eventually will be replaced as consigliere of the Genovese family, but that designation has yet to be made. In fact, sources report that Manna continues to issue instructions from prison and had a voice in picking a successor to take over John DiGilio’s operations.

La Cosa Nostra – State of New Jersey Commission of Investigation 1989 Report

How Hudson County boxer Frankie DePaula’s murderer was “motivated.”

Friday, February 12th, 2010

A certain Union City figure Owed the Mob $40,000 (which would be equal to at least $250,000 in today’s lite dollars) and had no way to pay it back. The debtor got an offer he couldn’t refuse: knock off Frankie DePaula and then all the IOUs would disappear. A one-way ride was the alternative.

Motts and the cowboy

Monday, January 4th, 2010

In the street outside of the bar at First and Jackson in Hoboken, an independent operator — a “cowboy” — pulled a gun on Martin “Motts” Casella, demanding money. Casella said, “Don’t you know who I am? Do you know what you are doing?” The robber replied that if “Motts” didn’t hand over the cash quickly, his corpse would be in the gutter. Soon afterwards, it was the gunman’s corpse that was found floating in the Hudson.

Italian-American Civil Rights League, Hoboken Chapter

Sunday, January 3rd, 2010

by Anthony Olszewski

During the early-70s, my father owned a tavern at the corner of 15th and Grove in Jersey City. I’d help him clean up Sunday mornings. At noon, he’d open the bar and I’d leave to walk home to the Jersey City Heights.

The first part of the walk was beneath the railroad overpasses that line the north-eastern edge of Jersey City. Crossing into Hoboken, I’d enter a silent stagnant neigborhood of under-occupied buildings and closed stores. One in particular fascinated me. At the corner of Observer and Monroe there was an antiquated storefront. The shop window extended out from the building’s brick wall and was elevated some three feet above the side walk, supported by what was once fancy woodwork. Sometimes, I’d go out of my way, crossing the street, to peer inside. Gazing through the wavy, greenish glass, I’d try to imagine what kind of business was once there. As the the only thing inside now was a yellowed copy of a defunct New York newspaper with the headline “Hitler invades Poland!,” whatever was once there was there a very long time ago.

One day, everything was different. Double-parked new Cadillacs, Lincolns and Oldsmobiles ringed in a loud crowd of burly guys in slacks and brightly-colored tight shirts. A couple of ladders were in place with assistants on the ground hoisting up a sign: Italian-American Civil Rights League.

Each Sunday as I went by, I’d see that the little colony of Italian pride and solidarity was buzzing with activity. A gas range was now up in the front, visible from the street. A guy weighing maybe 300 pounds and wearing a baseball cap on backwards was always standing at the stove stirring something in a big pot. Men sat outside, elbows propped up on the backs of reversed chairs. Many of the League members held coffee mugs. From time to time, someone came out of the store with a big jug of wine and poured it into the mugs. People carried heavy cases inside glancing nervously over their shoulders. Every so often a car would screech to a stop with a lurch forward and the driver’d lean out the vehicle’s window and scream something like, “Hey, SAL is your cousin DANNY AROUND?”

On June 28, 1971, Joe Colombo, head of the Colombo Family — and the Italian-American Civil Rights League — was shot. The following Sunday, as I headed up Monroe, I looked across the street. The sign was gone. The cars were gone. The people were gone. The stove was gone. I walked across the street for a closer look. The only thing inside now was an old newspaper: “Hitler invades Poland!”

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