Posts Tagged ‘Congressman Cornelius Gallagher’

Computing Power in Real Time

Saturday, June 12th, 2010

By CORNELIUS E. GALLAGHER

Hudson County Congressman Cornelius Gallagher talks about computer ethics, invasion of privacy, and the rise of the technocracy.

 Originally appeared in Information Technology in a Democracy, edited by Alan F. Westin, Harvard University Press, 1971

From Cornelius E. Gallagher, “Computing in Real Time,” a speech given before the Association for Computing Machinery Technical symposium, June 19, 1969.

Mr. Gallagher is a Member of Congress from the Thirteenth District of New Jersey, and Chairman of the Subcommittee on Invasion of Privacy of the House Government Operations Committee.

One of Norman Mailer’s more fanciful conceits is that tuberculosis was the disease which best characterizes the nineteenth century and that cancer, in the same sense, is the disease of the twentieth century. Those who quietly and elegantly languished, gradually diminishing into death, seem to Mailer to sum up an age in which time moves slowly and medita­tively. But the twentieth-century society is symbolized by a literal ex­plosion of the life process; cells, reflecting hyperactive modern life, multi­ply so rapidly that they overwhelm their host.

 Mailer’s pungent metaphor is a useful and provocative comparison. In terms of this audience, we should change the image to read the quill pen expressing the nineteenth century and the computer characterizing the twentieth. But we should not discard cancer, for Erich Fromm, in The Revolution of Hope: Toward a Humanized Technology, says, “Com­puters should become a functional part in a life oriented social system and not a cancer which begins to play havoc and eventually kills the sys­tem.”

 This is, admittedly, a rather oblique entrance into a speech called “Computing in Real Time,” but it does highlight a view of the computer which is becoming increasingly prevalent. It is a view which must be recognized by computer professionals, for humanist doubts underlay the distrust of mechanistic decision-making.

 From the vantage point of a century or so, it is possible to dismiss the Luddites in England as sadly disillusioned and rather pathetic figures. However, it is a fact that they were able to destroy machines and cripple factories. In the same sense, it is possible to dismiss computer critics today as merely naive and uninformed anti-intellectuals who simply do not understand the rationale of computing. But computer profes­sionals and managers must build in relevance to their computer applica­tions. Many of your installations may suffer from a confrontation with those who act in a manner similar to the Luddites. One of the cries of the New Left is “open it up, or shut it down.” In another hundred years it is to be devoutly hoped that these people will seem just as ir­relevant as the Luddites do now. We can make sure that that happy pro­jection becomes a reality if it is possible, now, to open up computerized information systems to the legitimate demands of the people whose dossiers create the input and the output of many systems.

 It has not been the purpose of my investigations into computer pri­vacy to encourage those who oppose all computer applications. The rewards and benefits of the computer are too essential to the health and survival of modern society. But it is extremely important that computer professionals realize that there is a body of opinion which questions the very foundations of your work.

 You do not massage your data in a cloister; you are computing in real time.

But let us “disanthropomorphize” the discussion by considering some views of computer applications which restrict themselves to non-fiction. Many men, representing various viewpoints, have commented, rather unkindly, upon the current uses of the computer. I would like to give you four examples.

 First is the New Left critic of American society Paul Goodman. Good­man is extremely distressed about the fact that giant corporations employ systems analysis to make computer generated decisions in areas where they have only developed the systems, not the expertise.

 Goodman comments on the results of such insulated decisions re­garding teaching methods: “Somewhere down the line, however, this cabal of decision-makers is going to coerce the life of real children and control the activity of classroom teachers. Those who are directly en­gaged in the human function of learning and teaching have no say in what goes on . . . but the brute fact is that the children are quite inci­dental to the massive intervention of the giant combinations.”

 One does not have to agree with everything Goodman says to appre­ciate the perception of his insights. In addition, of course, he does repre­sent the views of many disenchanted but deeply concerned people in our land.

 Second, Robert Theobald is one of our most respected economists and social commentators. Theobald finds that a misapplication of com­puter technology may further aggravate situations they presume to cure. Although the computer is frequently beneficial in solving serious problems, Theobald says “. . . is also true that our attempts to reverse these trends will be frustrated if we continue to regard the ability of the computer to act with maximum efficiency in carrying out an immediate task as more important than all of our fundamental values put together. As long as we regard these values as of minor importance, to be upheld only when it is convenient to do so, we will be unable to recruit the computer to help us to attain our fundamental goals.”

 Almost all of Erich Fromm’s book, The Revolution of Hope, is mean­ingful to the message of this speech. But I would like to repeat one thing he says about the computer’s ability to store so much data that it assumes a virtually divine status. Core storage as God-head and print-outs as divine revelation can create decisions which are totally counter to a crea­tive use of the intellect. Fromm describes men who rely totally on com­puter generated decision-making data in these terms: “However dreadful the consequences of their decisions may be, they need not have qualms about the rightness and legitimacy of the method by which they arrived at their decision . . . Like Dostoevski’s Grand Inquisitor, some may even be tragic figures who can not act differently, because they see no other way of being certain that they do the best they can. The alleged rational character of our planners is basically not different from the religiously based decisions in a prescientific age.”

 All the questions which have been raised about the ultimate impact of the computer on society are stylishly summarized by one of the most knowledgeable men in America today: Dr. Mesthene asked: “What happens to traditional relationships between citizen and government, to such prerogatives of the individual as personal privacy, electoral consent, and access to the independent social criticism of the press, and to the ethics of and public control over a new elite of information keepers, when economic, military and social policies become increasingly technical, long-range, machine processed, information based, and expert dominated?”

These points assume major importance, for the computer is the world’s fastest growing industry. In 1956, there were about 600 computers with a value of about 340 million dollars. Today there are more than 70,000 computers valued at more than 18 billion dollars.

 Computer capacity has kept pace. IBM has stated that, in 15 years, computers increased in speed by 150 times, and the cost of each computa­tion was reduced to 1/40 or less of the original level.

 And it is predicted that by 1980 computers and computer applications will account for 20% of the Gross National Product.

 If for no other than these financial facts, computing will increasingly be done in real time. And certain other problems have begun to surface.

 When Judge Miles Lord of Minneapolis awarded 480 thousand dollars to a computerized accounting and inventory system user, he said, “His whole business was wrapped around a spool of magnetic tape which was not in his possession and was not even his property.” The firm which sold the system attempted to claim that it was the user’s own workers who were to blame, but the judge felt that under the circumstances, the user could not be faulted for failing to recognize that the system itself was unworkable.

 In spite of the scientific, almost religious, mystique with which out­siders view computing, Judge Lord’s decision once again signals the end of computing as pure science. Legal responsibility will probably ulti­mately rest on the creators of computerized data systems and you will continue to represent, in the main, a part of technology, not science.

 In a May 1969 speech, Admiral Rickover described the distinction be­tween science and technology better than I have ever seen it put before: “Science, being pure thought, harms no one; therefore, it need not be humanistic. But technology is action and often potentially dangerous action. Unless it is made to adapt itself to human interests, needs, values, and principles, more harm will be done than good.”

 And computing technology is certainly where the action is! And action takes place in real time. To carry the metaphor a little further, you must share time with human values. Unless society is to become a terminal patient, every computerized system must have a terminal to which man­kind has access.

 The Congress has taken tentative steps to address itself to the real time in which you are computing. When my Special Subcommittee on Invasion of Privacy initiated Congressional consideration of credit bureaus in March 1968, we had the benefit of the views of Alan Westin. I proposed the following question to Dr. Westin: “Is there a possibility of the formation of a data elite’s manipulating American society by their manipulation of data on individual Americans?” I would like to indicate the range of his remarks by the following excerpts. “There is a dangerous arrogance that can be built up when a small group of people believe that they have the language, the system, and the most scientific way of making decisions. Failure to keep popular participation in public deci­sion-making, and the developing mixture of private and public decision-making in our society creates a dangerous impersonality.”

 He describes a futuristic society in which “. . . there is a gap between those who have a high elite education and everybody else in the society. The people without high intellect feel they are the ones full of emotion, sentiment and love, and view the decision-making elite as cold and calculating. Such a separation is dangerous in a democratic political sys­tem because often what is required is not the wisdom of technical solu­tions or of scientific cost effectiveness, but a wisdom that has to do with leading and inspiring people and convincing them that they have a stake in the system.”

 ”I think it will be a while before the line can be drawn between what can be achieved through new management science techniques and infor­mation systems and what still remains the art of the political process. I am afraid the line is going to get very blurred in the next half decade or decades because it is essentially the poor and the black who want access into and participation in the system. They have never had a voice of the kind the middle classes had in the political system.”

 Dr. Westin envisions society responding to people who want participa­tion now in these terms: “We don’t do things that way any longer; we have new technical ways of making decisions. Why don’t you just ratify those? We can’t let you participate because the planning is so complex that you don’t even know the language and we will often have to make commitments that run 3 or 5 years ahead.”

 I am afraid that these opinions of Dr. Westin’s are, in essence, correct. I find it very disturbing that computerized information systems for deci­sion-making may be heightening rather than lessening our current agonies.

 For it is a fact of the very real time in which we live that people are just not going to wait. Articulate and aggressive segments of our society are insisting upon the right to influence and alter decisions which vitally affect them. Blacks, hippies, students, ghetto parents, and members of the dissenting academy may seem like a wildly disparate group, but they are united on one thing. They all demand a greater piece of the decision-making action, or at the very least, a heightened sense of personal involve­ment in and control over their own destinies. It does not take an especially astute observor to discover that all around us there is real anger and a spreading disenchantment with the goals of government.

These uses of computerized information systems suggest two questions which I feel have yet to be explored in any formal or deeply meaningful way. The first question is: Can machine-based data systems assist in de­centralizing decision-making? Is it possible for individuals who are not technologically sophisticated to interface with the data flow?

I have given you a segment of Dr. Westin’s judgment on that issue and it is an opinion which, at this point in time, I share. However, I am also aware that there are those who claim that the computer’s ability to digest so much data will permit a greater variety of views to enter the decision-making mix. Frankly, I do not think a definitive answer has yet emerged and I believe the Association for Computing Machinery could bring knowledgeable insights to the debate. I would urge you, both as indi­vidual members and as an Association, to address yourself to the question.

Second is a problem which, to the best of my knowledge, has never been studied in any coherent or disciplined manner. What are citizen attitudes and opinions regarding the disclosure of personal information to those who operate computerized data systems?

My staff and I have been forced to respond to the many people who have raised that question that probably the largest collection of citizen reaction to machine systems is contained in our own files. They bulge with thousands of letters from concerned people throughout our nation and with hundreds of editorials and articles which support our work in high­lighting the issue of computer privacy.

This is, of course, a wholly unsatisfactory answer to you and I must admit, perhaps reluctantly, that it is also unsatisfactory to me.

Virtually every page of Datamation and Computerworld contains re­ports of new data systems being constructed and of new areas of personal information being reduced to machine-readable form. Yet, to the best of my knowledge, no dispassionate and scientific survey of the attitudes and opinions of the people whose dossiers are forming these systems exists. No answer has been forthcoming to the crucial question of whether these systems are the life-blood of society or are, in reality, a cancer.

When I began my studies of computer privacy, I had hoped to create a climate of concern. I believe that goal has been realized and that someeffective and promising first steps have been taken by professionals in the computer field to translate that concern into practice.

I would hope that anyone who has reliable information about the citizen’s attitude’s toward the computer will communicate with me. Per­haps more important, I would hope that we might commence an in-depth study to discover just what we are doing to our society, and even more important, whether society will permit it.

For there is a disturbing body of evidence which suggests that the ordinary American — that most extraordinary of humans — is becoming supersaturated with the toxic in the tonic of technology. The myriad forms of pollution — air, water, noise — the bomb, highways which destroy neighborhoods, unresponsive federal and local agencies — the list of such outrages to which man is subject is depressingly long.

In March of this year, I had the privilege of addressing the Chicago Chapter of the Institute of Management Sciences. I touched upon these subjects and I described all the investigations I have made into privacy: the lie-detector, psychological testing, the National Data Bank, and business intelligence firms such as credit bureaus. I concluded that speech by developing a concept called “The Intellectual Imperative” which attempted to coalesce my investigations into a coherent theory. I would like to expand on that theme this morning.

Every individual must have certain areas over which his sovereignty is absolute, as long as he is pursuing legitimate aims. Lower animals havea body buffer zone and, as Robert Ardray has so compellingly pointed out, a territorial imperative. Perhaps this can best be represented by the bull ring where the bull himself outlines an area of his own called the querencia. This is a randomly chosen spot where the bull will always re­treat when the pressure of his death struggle with the matador becomestoo intense.

But where can modern man go to gather his strength when he is gored by society? Techniques to assert the individual’s right to a space of psychological control have simply not kept pace with technology’s ability to disclose almost everything to almost everybody.

In Chicago, I described the Intellectual Imperative and its necessity to the needs of modern man in these terms:

Man may choose those in whom he wishes to confide. He may discuss any issue in any terms he may desire and be. assured that an indis­cretion of phrase or even an indecency of thought will remain pri­vate. A space of psychological control permits ideas to be discussed freely within his territory and with the guarantee that strict public accountability will not follow. It is just this blurring of the public and the private which makes invasion of privacy so obnoxious to personal integrity and civilized society.

The control of the flow of information about yourself, about your actions, about your beliefs, is seen as a crucial aspect of a dynamic society. Urban mass culture has destroyed for most of us the oppor­tunity to exercise freely the Territorial Imperative; the advance of computer and other technologies threatens the Intellectual Impera­tive. Physically, we are constantly in a crowd; intellectually, tech­nology has provided devices to make our forgotten actions and our unacknowledged thoughts known to the crowd.

In short, I believe that the Intellectual Imperative is just as important to humans as the Territorial Imperative is for lower animals. It is ex­tremely dangerous for a matador to violate the bull’s querencia, and it may be equally fatal for society to presume that it can violate the space where the individual’s basic nature resides.

 It seems to be a basic contention of computer-oriented planning that the nature of man is infinitely malleable and that the individual can be made to adapt to any mold deemed suitable for him. If this were true, no one would ever quit a well-paying job and no society would ever undergo a revolution.

And if technology’s might, acting on quantifiable data, could solve all problems, Vietnam would be just a pleasant memory.

 So we must recognize that tools alone will not do the work of man. If we are to survive as a viable and free society, we must make sure that the light of humanity illuminates the direction in which we are moving and that we do not permit any of our technologies to extinguish the fires which warm a fully human life, and which create a spiritually satisfied mankind.

Cornelius Gallagher accused of being the tool of Bayonne Cosa Nostra Capo Joe Zicarelli

Thursday, May 13th, 2010

From New York Magazine, February 17, 1969

By Peter Maas

. . .

Less inspiring was the swearing-in of the latest Congress.  Among those seated without a murmur of dissent was Representative Cornelius Gallagher from Bayonne, New Jersey, just across the river, who was the subject of several articles in Life magazine last summer and fall.  Life’s time of investigative reporters may be the best ever in the history of American Journalism, and it didn’t kid around with Gallagher.  He was directly accused of being the “tool and collaborator of a Cosa Nostra gang lord“ in Bayonne named Joe Zicarelli and was specifically tied into the promotion of an illicit cancer drug, in the disposal of the body of a local loan shark, in underworld activities in the Dominican Republic and in the great salad oil swindle which made headlines a few years back.

Gallagher, running for re-election, made all kinds of noises about suing Life, but then disappeared when his opponent, a nice Republican lady who reminded you of Spring Bylington, was obviously making little headway against him.  In this Gallagher was helped no end by the editorial page of the New York Times.  You have to wonder if the editorial page reads the rest of the paper.  It nearly went out of its skull over the fitness of Spiro Agnew because of conflict-of-interest charges, even though a Times reporter could not come up with anything substantial.  At the same time another Times correspondent flatly reported that in 1964, was Gallagher was being mentioned as a possible running mate for Lyndon Johnson, the FBI warned the White House that he had close connections with the underworld.  What did the editorial Page do?  It warmly endorsed Gallagher for another term in Congress.

Life says it would love to have libel action from Gallagher, but he has shown little inclination for this.  He would, of course, have to testify under oath; perhaps that is something he doesn’t want to do.

# # #

From New York Magazine, March 10, 1969

Gallagher Defended

Even “less inspiring” than Life magazine’s unjustifiable and unsubstantiated assault on Congressman Cornelius E. Gallagher is Peter Maas’s rehash of same in “Balky Justice” [Feb 17].

Maas implies rather strongly that the reason Congressman Gallagher has not yet commenced a libel suit against Life is because  the Congressman does not wish to testify under oath.  The fact is, however, that in July, 1968, (before publication of the Life article), Gallagher wrote to the Prosecutor of Hudson County, New Jersey demanding a Grand Jury investigation into certain Life allegations, and offering not only to testify under oath, but to waive any Congressional immunity he might have in so doing.  This action by Gallagher was widely reported.

The real factor that precludes public officials from having any decent chance to recover on a libel suit is found in the law of the land as announced by the U.S. Supreme Court in the New York Times Co. vs. Sullivan (1964).  Many law journal articles have discussed this point, and Mr. Maas would do well to consult them before making gratuitous judgments.  These commentaries on the libel law vis-à-vis public officials indicate that the most accurate statement in Maas’ piece is that “Life says it would love to have a libel action from Gallagher.”  Similarly, I trust the New York Jets would love to play a Super-Bowl game against Columbia University.

There are many misstatements in Maas’ article, but lack of space prohibits their documentation herein (one years, however, for the chance to answer Maas in toto).  Let me suggest in closing that Mr. Maas’ dissatisfaction with events such as the Times’ editorial endorsement of Gallagher in November springs more from his deep immersion in the current spurt of Mafiaism than from his deep concern for the facts.  One wonders if it is merely coincidental that the senior member of the Life investigative team that Maas termed as perhaps “the best ever in the history of American journalism” (Mr. R. Sackett) tosses similar accolades at Mr. Maas in a recent review of The Valachi Papers published by Life in recent weeks.

It is not a prudent venture to follow Alice through the looking glass unless one realizes the fantasy to be found inside.  To proceed without this realization is “balky” journalistic justice at best.

Mark A. Belnick
Special Ass’t to Cong.
Cornelius E. Gallagher

The Author Replies

It is true that Gallagher asked for a Hudson County Grand Jury investigation into certain “Life” allegations.  It is also true, as luck would have it, that the statute of limitations has run out on these allegations, which left the Grand Jury powerless to do anything about them.  This is the only probe into “Life’s” charges that Gallagher has demanded.  Thus Gallagher has yet to appear under oath anywhere regarding these allegations.

When the “Life” articles were first published, Gallagher repeatedly emphasized their malicious nature.  Malice is recoverable in the Supreme Court decision cited above.  As Gallagher’s hometown paper, the Bayonne “Times,” noted last August, the “best method for proving the falseness of the article would be a libel suit,” adding that it was past time for Gallagher to start “disproving” the magazines charges.

As for my “deep immersion in the current spurt of Mafiaism,” I don’t quite know what is meant by “current.”  I have been writing about Mafia or Cosa Nostra activities since 1963.

It is true that “Life” gave my book, “The Valachi Papers,” an excellent review.  So did among other publications, “The New York Times Book Review,” “Newsweek” and the “Wall Street Journal.”  What does Gallagher’s office make of this” – P.M.

John V. Kenny: I wish that Stern was here, so I could spit in his eye.

Saturday, May 1st, 2010

Memoirs of Hudson County

Originally appeared in Tiger In The Court
By Paul Hoffman

As election day approached, it was clear that the net was closing on Kenny and his Hudson County cabal. But the Little Guy continued to spout defiance. “I wish that Stern was here,” he said in early October, “so I could spit in his eye.”

On October 29, Kenny threw a $100-a-plate dinner at the Jersey City Armory for Senator Harrison Williams, running for reelection against the Republican state chairman, Nelson Gross. Speaker after speaker laced into Lacey and the federal investigation. Congressman Gallagher called it “a Gestapo stalking through our county, an anglicized version.”

Among the Irish Catholic Democrats of Hudson County, anything anglican is suspect.

Kenny also injected a racial motif into his remarks-of a different sort. He acknowledged buying the bonds: “I never knew that when you want to take care of daughter and children that it was an offense against the U.S. government. If that displeases Lacey or that great Jewish lawyer Stern, well, that’s just too bad. I’m going to provide for the welfare of my children.”

The Newark News said that Kenny had “reached depths of personal and religious vilification.” Senator Williams had to issue a statement expressing his “deep regret” over Kenny’s language, though he doubted that Kenny had intended an anti-Semitic slur. He hailed the Little Guy as “a great humanitarian.”

Williams romped to an unexpectedly easy victory. Two days later the “great humanitarian” John V. Kenny appeared, under subpoena, before the grand jury. He was accompanied by his attorney, the late Walter D. Van Riper, who had had firsthand experience of the Byzantine intrigues of Hudson County politics. As state attorney general during World War Two, he had investigated gambling in Jersey City and had obtained several indictments. Whereupon the U.S. attorney’s office, headed by a Hague hireling, indicted Van Riper-for allegedly selling black-market gasoline. Not surprisingly, both cases lapsed into limbo.

Kenny didn’t spit in Stern’s eye-he took the Fifth Amendment . . . or tried to. He refused to sign a waiver of immunity and asked permission to read a statement. He got it-but before he could get the words out of his mouth, Stern started firing a barrage of questions: “Did you purchase those bonds?”

“Certainly I did.”

“Did you purchase them for cash?”

“Yes.”

“Through what means did you purchase them for cash?”

“What do you mean?”

“How did you buy them?”

“With cash – cash that I had saved for forty years.”

“Who handled the transaction for you?”

“Well, I’m not supposed to answer any questions….”

But he did-for eight more pages of transcript. Kenny insisted that the cash came from his private business concern, Terminal Industries, which cleaned cars on the Pennsylvania Railroad, and that his wife kept the money in a basement clothes hamper.

Finally, Kenny managed to read the statement Van Riper had prepared: “Mr. District Attorney, members of the grand jury: I am advised by my legal counsel that in view of the fact that I am the target of this investigation and that an effort is being made to bring about my indictment, if I were compelled to testify at this time, it would amount to a violation of my constitutional rights. Therefore, acting on that advice, I most respectfully decline to answer the questions asked of me in this proceeding on the ground that to do so might incriminate me.”
. . .
Read the complete article.

Hudson County Congressman Cornelius Gallagher, Jersey City Mayor Thomas Whelan, Council President Thomas Flaherty and the millions in bonds and cash

Thursday, April 8th, 2010

Congressman Cornelius Gallagher of Bayonne
In appearance silver-haired, ruddily handsome Congressman Cornelius E. Gallagher is the image of a dedicated public servant.

Originally appeared in Tiger In The Court
Memoirs of Hudson County

By Paul Hoffman

A lot of legwork was required to discover where the money wound up. One lead came from an unrelated inquiry. Internal Revenue had been investigating Congressman Cornelius Gallagher, who had purchased more than $948,000 worth of municipal bonds – for cash! “If you’re going to charge a man with tax evasion,” Stern says, “you have to prove that he’s not just a conduit for funds, but that he’s buying the bonds for himself. The only way you can do that is to find out who’s clipping the coupons.

“When you have a bearer bond, it’s not registered in anyone’s name – that’s what the phrase bearer bond means. It’s like money. Anyone can clip the coupons, walk into a bank, fill out a form and submit them for payment. And he can do it in any bank in the United States. Obviously, the IRS can’t run to every bank in the country to find out who’s cashing coupons.

“IRS did a fantastic job. They went back to the issuing municipalities to see where the coupons had come from, then checked back to determine who had cashed them. It turned out that something like four hundred thousand dollars of the bonds Gallagher had bought were in a Florida bank account and being clipped by the bank.”

So the IRS agents checked at the First National Bank of Miami Beach and discovered that the bonds had been deposited-not by Gallagher, but by Jersey City’s mayor, Thomas Whelan, and council president Thomas Flaherty. The two Jersey City officials maintained joint numbered accounts that, at their peak, had deposits of $1,232,433.30 – all in cash or in negotiable bonds purchased for cash.

A second cache of bonds was uncovered-and recovered-when IRS agents started checking the bank and brokerage records of William A. Sternkopf, Jr., the former Hudson County auditor who had gone on under Kenny’s patronage to commissionerships first on the New Jersey Turnpike Authority, then on the bistate Port of New York Authority, which operates the metropolitan area’s docks, bridges, tunnels and airports.

On one of Sternkopf’s bond purchases, the records at Lehman Brothers, the giant Wall Street investment house, carried the notation that the bonds had been bought for John V. Kenny. Tracing the trail of the transaction, the IRS agents discovered that Kenny had bought $700,000 in bonds through Sternkopf – all for cash, delivered to the bank by the Hudson County police chief, Fred J. Kropke.

Through a tip from a still-undisclosed informant, the U.S. attorney’s office learned that $300,000 of the bonds were stashed in the suite of Pollak Hospital administrator Paul Hanly, Kenny’s son-in-law, and the remaining $400,000 at the Jersey Shore home of his granddaughter, Margo Hanly Hermann. Both were haled before the grand jury.

Hanly took the Fifth Amendment, escaping ouster by resigning – only to have Kenny name his son, John, as his successor. Mrs. Hermann, after invoking the Fifth Amendment, was given immunity and she told where the bonds were. They were subpoenaed as evidence. Lacey said they represented “plunder unmatched by anything in my experience. You’d have to go back to the days of Boss Tweed.”

Next

04/11/07 – Congressman Gallagher addresses the Bayonne Historical Society

Friday, January 1st, 2010

Congressman Cornelius Gallagher and President Johnson
In 1964, while he was serving as the cochairman of the Canadian-American Interparliamentary Group, Democrat Gallagher was received warmly by President Johnson at the White House.

I once met Congressman Gallagher at a Knights of Columbus hall in the Jersey City Heights. I remember him as being very old and very tired. Walking up the block after leaving the K of C my mother remarked, “They say Congressman Gallagher is owned by the Mob, but he’s always been a good friend of your grandmother’s.”

That was around forty years ago. Today, my grandmother is dead; my mother is dead; the Knights of Columbus building is gone and the Mob is to a large part made up of shadows now, too. But, Cornelius Gallagher is very much still here. He appeared hardly any older than what I remembered and seems to be enjoying the benefit of a good rest. He spoke for two hours — on his feet and without notes.

When I was young saying that someone was a “real politician” was a compliment. The meaning was that the person was well-dressed, affable, and a good public speaker. Cornelius Gallagher is a real politician.

Congressman Cornelius Gallagher and Congressman Dominick Daniels of Hudson County
Playfully waving a cane resembling a shillelagh, Gallagher marches with Democratic congressional colleague Dominick Daniels in Jersey Citv’s Columbus Day parade

Congressman Gallagher served from 1959 to 1973, during the Administrations of presidents Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon. Cornelius Gallagher worked in JFK’s presidential campaign.

Congressman Gallagher contends that after beginning to investigate the government’s assault on privacy he was hounded from public life by J. Edgar Hoover.

The Congressman equated what he calls the replacement of the Constitution by the Patriot Act with government spying by Robert Kennedy and J. Edgar Hoover. Cornelius Gallagher claims that Harvard University was a hotbed of mind control — Manchurian Candidate — research and that the Unabomber was the result. Gallagher also points out that America today lays claim to a military empire through over one thousand bases overseas.

The Congressman reflected on a wide range of historical figures including Roy Cohn, Joe McCarthy, and Cardinal Spellman — a self-described “simple man;” Gallagher’s comment: “as simple as Sadam Hussein.” Cornelius Gallagher also described visiting war-torn India during the Bangladesh conflict. On his return to the US, the Congressman briefed President Nixon. Nixon called in National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger who Gallagher reports as commenting, “That broad (India’s Indira Gandhi) is always getting heated up.”

Gangster Joe Zicarelli was a New Jersey capo in the Bonanno Family of La Cosa Nostra
Gangster Joe Zicarelli was a New Jersey capo in Cosa Nostra
Life reported that there were ties binding the congressman and the hoodlum in an alliance of interests.

Contemporary accounts associated Congressman Gallagher with the Mafia. Cornelius Gallagher called these fabrications by a spiteful J. Edgar Hoover. Gallagher says that his only meeting with Joe Zicarelli was when the Bayonne crime boss introduced the Congressman to a Cuban soldier. This disillusioned former follower of Castro wanted to inform the US that Russian soldiers and engineers were building missile silos in the mountains of Cuba. This was under Eisenhower, two years before the Cuban Missile Crisis. Cornelius Gallagher says that he only met with Tino DeAngelis when the salad oil mogul’s empire was about to collapse. Gallagher described DeAngelis not as a salad oil swindler but a succesful local businessman who was a victim of the big outfits. The Congressman says that he only met Harold Konigsberg (hit man, serial killer, sadist, and sex criminal) once when the Bayonne resident introduced himself to the then Freeholder Gallagher. Gallagher paints “Kayo” Konibsberg as a local “character,” one of many in Bayonne. Cornelius Gallagher denies that he called Konigsberg to remove a corpse from the Congressman’s home.

Tino De Angelis of the Bayonne salad oil fraud
A bland-faced enigma, Tino De Angelis stands amid steamy clouds in his New Jersey refinery


There was a good-sized crowd at this Bayonne Historical Society event, filling most of the seats in the Library’s upstairs meeting room. Boxing great Chuck Wepner was among those attending.


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Some stories from Cornelius Gallagher’s talk:

  • Congressman Gallagher was to meet Tony, a Jersey City Ward leader, at 7:15, but was two hours late. The steaming local pol demanded to know the cause of the delay. The Congressman explained that the Russians were blockading Berlin. Soviet tanks faced US tanks and WWIII was feared. Tony wanted to know the source of the information. Upon hearing that it was John Foster Dulles, Tony replied, “You kept me waiting for that Republican after I carried my Ward in Jersey City for you.”
  • A train fell off of a bridge in Bayonne. Congressman Gallagher went out on a friend’s boat to assist in the rescue efforts. People were screaming. The dead and injured were everywhere. Because the locomotive was underwater, steam made it difficult to see. From another boat, someone hollered asking if that was Congressman Gallagher. He called out in the affirmative. The reply: “What ever happened with that job you promised?”
  • In DC, Congressman Gallagher was being briefed by Secretary of State Rusk. At the end of the meeting, Rusk offered Gallagher a lift. Cornelius Gallagher was surprised to see two telephones in the car. He proceeded to call his office, asking the receptionist if there were any messages. There were: from President Johnson and from Mayor Kenny. The Congressman had to return the most important one first — Mayor Kenny’s. (Getting reelected was the most important thing.)

Congressman Cornelius Gallagher and Hudson County Political Boss J. V. Kenny
Gallagher poses happily with Boss John V. Kenny (right), who declares that the congressman was a “victim of an outrageous assault – but I’m with him 100 percent.”

Konigsberg, the Congressman and the corpse

Tuesday, December 29th, 2009

Harold Konigsberg struggles in the grip of a detective.
Konigsberg struggles in the grip of a detective.

A regular customer in my father’s tavern was a friend of Harold “Kayo” Konigsberg. The bar patron related how he was the one who actually removed the body from Congressman Gallagher’s house. The Congressman had requested assistance from Konigsberg. Kayo, though nervy in most ways, was frightened at the thought of carrying a body out of the home of a prominent Bayonne resident with all the nice little old ladies up and down the block watching from behind the blinds. So, Kayo called for help. The guy, who we shall call Hal, after a little negotiating (Very one-sided, given the circumstances, the Congressman and Konigsberg simply promised Hal whatever he wanted.) just wrapped the body up in a rug, heaved it over his shoulder, and hauled it out the door to his car.

One visitor to Congressman Cornelius Gallagher checks in, but doesn’t check out . . .

Sunday, October 18th, 2009

Decades later, organized crime figures continue to speak in hushed tones about the day someone walked into the home of Hudson County Congressman Cornelius Gallagher and never walked out.